Clashing colours

The New
Zealand Herald: Democracy was restored [in 2007] and for most of the period since, a succession of pro-Thaksin politicians have served as prime minister. One by one, they have been ejected from power by court rulings, some on trumped-up charges condoned by a pliant judiciary, and, most recently, last December, by yellow-shirted protesters who closed Bangkok's two airports. (…) In the aftermath, Abhisit Vejjajiva, the leader of the ironically named Democrat Party, secured just enough parliamentary support to become prime minister. The ambition of Mr Vejjajiva and his supporters (…) is nothing less than to deny the vote to Thailand's peasants. They claim the idea of a one-person, one-vote system is compromised by the lack of education and susceptibility to vote-buying of the country's rural majority.

The Hindu, Chennai:
By the time the military moved against him, [Thaksin’s image] as a pro-poor leader still remained largely unsullied. (…) The Muslim minority in southern Thailand did feel more alienated than before, partly because of his ‘militarist’ response to ‘separatism’ there. So, his ‘cavalier’ attitude to rights violations in his ‘wars’ against rebels and drug barons gave the Thai elite a chance to bring him down from power. And they did this, emboldened further by his perceived disregard for the conflict of interest in matters concerning the state and his own business.

The Bangkok Post:
Duncan McCargo, a professor at the University of Leeds, introduced the concept of "Network Monarchy" to characterise recent developments in Thai politics. (…) Network monarchy was centred on the authority of the throne, represented by its agents, most notably former Prime Minister Gen Prem Tinsulanond. Through the years, this network has consolidated its own influence side by side with the elected governments. The rise of the red shirt movement suggests this is a new kind of political network that could potentially remake the contours of Thai politics. The red shirts have an effective structure, a clear political agenda and broad-based support not only in Bangkok but throughout the kingdom.

The Nation, Bangkok:
This is just the beginning of another political chapter in which we can expect more violence instigated by red-shirted ringleaders who have escaped arrest and gone underground, probably to plan urban terrorism or guerrilla warfare. (…) The failure of the big red rally does not mean the total defeat of Thaksin, who will struggle further to fulfil his political vendetta. His grudge has become more vicious and deadly. Sabotage and assassinations could yet become the norm in this political game.

The New York Times:
Reverting to an emergency decree has been a black eye for Mr. Abhisit. In a twist of political irony, the emergency decree was originally drafted and pushed through Parliament in 2005 by the Thaksin government, provoking charges of authoritarianism by the Democrats. Moreover, the Democrats tout themselves as the party of democracy, rule of law and human rights. That image is greatly tarnished.