Prosperity through penance and conversion

Pentecostalism emerged in the USA in the early 20th century, as an offshoot of puritanical Protestantism. Also called “Evangelical”, this strain of Protestantism refers to the Acts of the Apostles. In this view, God acts through spiritual gifts bestowed on the faithful, healing the sick, performing miracles and giving material and spiritual blessings.

Pentecostalism did not take long to catch on in Brazil. It spread throughout the entire country in three large waves. However, the theology was modified and fragmented several times in the process. Today, a great diversity of Evangelical churches is active in Brazil. In particular, Neopentecostalism – a very adaptable movement with an emphasis on worldly matters – has been gaining influence since the 1970s.

Due to the undogmatic flexibility in matters of doctrine, pious practices of Evangelicals can easily blend into other traditions of faith. Neopentecostal groups not only assimilate and integrate Roman Catholic views but also other European, African and indigenous influences. Their missionaries are often very articulate and cleverly adapt to their target groups. Typically, the syncretism goes hand in hand with strict loyalty to the Bible and reference to the resurrected Jesus.

More than any other movements of contemporary Christianity, Pentecostal parishes make faith the guiding principle of the community. They create a high degree of internal pressure, and intervene extensively into the everyday lives of the devout. Absolute compliance with the rules is demanded. What intellectuals interpret as repressive group pressure, however, gives many Brazilians from poor backgrounds a sense of security and support in a society they regard as dangerous, chaotic and lawless.

With clear moral directives, Pentecostalism lays down the rules for its members with respect to how they should live their everyday lives. These guidelines typically emphasise self discipline, the suppression of one’s desires and asceticism. Pentecostals forego nicotine, alcohol and drugs more than other Christians do. They are generally also more disciplined when it comes to sexuality, and tend to practice more sexual renunciation. They place especially strong emphasis on family values, and despite their authoritarian style of raising children, they show them a relatively high level of affection. They also invest comparatively large sums of money in their education.

Moral rigorism

The “prosperity gospel” promises the faithful God’s direct material assistance in the here and now, if they do hard, honest work and by hand over 10% of their income to the church. This kind of moral rigorism has the effect that earned income is not wasted but rather is used to support the family. The missionary dynamism of Pentecostalism is spread primarily by women, who increasingly take over important lay positions, which counters the traditional machismo.

Evangelical movements are especially attractive in environments in which religion has effected only slight moral influence, and where faith in God alone has not been sufficient to bring about socialisation effects. Pentecostal churches provide social networks for marginalised people, and also even arrange jobs via the contacts made.

In a way, Evangelical Protestantism practises what development policy also likes to preach: help those who help themselves. It presents the opportunity to build social structures and social capital. No doubt, this helps people to improve their socioeconomic situation – though only as long as missionary organisations, which are only interested in making a quick profit by exploiting their faithful, remain the exception in Brazil.

Many people are especially fascinated by the evangelical message that it is possible to work one’s way up to worldly wealth through penance and by turning to God. Successful self discipline is considered proof that a person is touched by the Holy Spirit. Pentecostal churches thus address many poor Brazilians’ concerns, needs and hopes for redemption in a far more immediate manner than traditional denominations. Increasingly they are reaching members of higher social strata too. Some Evangelical denominations even use marketing campaigns to court these lucrative target groups. For the reasons mentioned, Evangelical Protestantism is also finding support in densely populated urban agglomerations in other newly industrialised and developing countries.

Among certain segments of the Brazilian lower class, the change in faith to Pentecostal churches corresponds to a transformation from a passive, conformist majority to an active religious minority. For a long time now, this has not been a matter of marginalised or second-rate actors. The huge missionary success of Neopentecostal sects has “pentecostalised” Protestant churches in Brazil to such an extent that three quarters of all Protestants can now be considered Evangelicals. They represent the most influential religious power after the Catholic Church.

The Catholic Church ignored this supposedly temporary marginal phenomenon until well into the 1980s, when it was struggling with Communist-inspired Liberation Theology. Charismatic Pentecostalism was first really noticed when it appeared in the Catholic Church itself, under the name “Catholic Charismatic Renewal” (CCR).

While Liberation Theology has been in decline for decades, the CCR is experiencing growth rates similar to those of their Protestant competition. In that sense, the CCR has served as a means to neutralise Liberation Theology. Moreover, it is sometimes assumed that the Catholic Church is using Evangelical momentum to its own benefit.

French sociologist Jean-Pierre Bastian, however, regards the Pentecostalisation of Catholicism as a “truely Trojan horse”, because Catholic Pentecostals retreat from time-honoured doctrines and institutions. The CCR actually calls the established bureaucratic hierarchy into question because of its emphasis on religious authority associated with individual charisma. Bastian assumes, therefore, that the CCR cannot really stem Pentecostalism in the interests of the Catholic Church. On the contrary, he maintains it will give Evangelicals further impetus, and therefore open the floodgates for a general Pentecostalisation of Brazil.

Up to the 1950s, the Catholic Church was the Brazilian government’s only spiritual dialogue partner, but since the country found its way back to democracy at the end of the 1980s, the Pentecostal churches have been on an equal legal footing with the Catholic Church. As a consequence, the denominations are competing for money, broadcasting slots and other resources in a deregulated religious market. Pentecostal groups widen their negotiation capability by mobilising members politically and instrumentalising them for specific goals.

Evangelicals are found in all political parties. In most cases, they act in a rather opportunistic manner. Ever since military dictatorship ended, however, there is a “bancada evangelical”, an Evangelical Party, in Parliament. One of its achievements was that Catholicism is no longer the state religion of Brazil. Evangelicals, moreover, share goals such as restricting abortion, divorce and the freedom of artistic expression with the Catholic church. Their priority, however, is maintain their rights as churches of their own.

Implications for society

Opinions differ on how the religious transformation of the country will impact on the relationship between state and civil society. According to North American political scientist Anthony Gill, the increase in religious pluralism will strengthen civil society and therefore also democracy in Brazil. Gill believes a strong involvement in church activity will have a spill-over effect into other areas of social life. He expects that citizens’ involvement, which is not directly motivated by religion, will also be boosted and that relations with the state will become more trust-based.

Jean-Pierre Bastian similarly regards the political action of Pentecostalism as an expression of the creative powers of civil society, which counters the two dominant powers of Brazilian society, the Catholic Church on the one hand and the state on the other. He considers evangelical groups to be drivers that take on identities, which enable new collective actors and could help change the balance of power between rich and poor.

Arenari Brandt of Brazil’s Federal Fluminense University, on the other hand, argues that Pentecostalism, with its absolute, binary opposition of good and bad, promotes the preservation of an inflexible, simplified and personalist stance in political affairs. From this perspective, Evangelical communities will do little to help overcome clientelistic and authoritarian models. Rather, they would contribute to the continuation of personalism and populism in the political culture of Brazil.