Right-wing backlash – Colombians vote against peace

After half a century of war, you would assume that people would want peace. That everyone is tired of kidnappings and killings. That even die-hard falcons would like to take it easy for a while. Not so in Colombia.

After years of a long and difficult peace process between the government and the biggest guerrilla group FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia), both sides had finally reached an agreement. The FARC was represented by Rodrigo “Timochenko” Londoño and the government by President Juan Manuel Santos. On September 26th, 2016, both parties signed the peace agreement. After 52 years, Colombia’s civil war finally seemed to be over. Both sides were committed to walking new paths. Enemies put their thoughts of revenge aside and opted for fighting the political arena instead of the battlefield. In short, democracy seemed to have won a definite victory.

Next, President Santos decided to strengthen his mandate for the peace process by popular vote, by holding a referendum. The far right, headed by former president Álvaro Uribe campaigned against the peace agreement, painting a dire picture of evil ex-guerrilleros becoming elected politicians turning the country into a second Cuba. Uribe is Santos’ predecessor, and the civil war escalated during his term in office. Now his side won the referendum with a small margin.

With respect to Colombia’s regions, there is an obvious pattern. Poor communities and areas that suffered heavily during the civil war overwhelmingly voted in favour of the peace agreement, with up to 80 or even 90 % voting Sí. Wealthy areas and localities voted No, however. But why would they do so? Even rich people were affected by  insecurity and were prone to suffering kidnappings and bombings.

Most likely, they did not reject peace as such. Apparently, the land reform, one of the minor points of the peace deal, drew a lot of opposition.

Landownership is a question of power, and especially so in Colombia. Many landless workers toil on few extensive estancias and huge plantations. Back in the 1960s, the FARC and other revolutionary groups had started their fight against rich landowners in the rural areas. They always recruited fighters among poor, landless peasants.

By including a land reform, the peace agreement was set to make a huge difference in Colombian history. It offered scope to solve issues of immense injustice regarding land ownership in a peaceful way. Land was going to be redistributed, displaced people would get compensation and big mining operations were to be curbed.

Obviously, wealthy landowners were not happy about this prospect, and consequently invested a lot into the No campaign, painting the FARC-turned-politicians as terrorists in disguise, only biding their time until the final takeover. Such propaganda scared the middle class and led the No campaign to victory. 

Former president Uribe himself belongs to a family of big landowners. After the referendum, commentators in Colombia wrote that it was now clear to everybody that the country was forever split into haves and have-nots.

For the poor, marginalised rural communities which suffered most during the war, the No comes as a shock. With the implementation of the peace agreement, millions of displaced had hoped to be able to return to their homes. Many of them belong to indigenous or Afro-Colombian communities. A land reform would have benefitted them and possibly given them a new perspective in life. Now their hopes are shattered.

For the time being – until end of October – the UN-monitored ceasefire continues, while leaders try to negotiate new terms of the peace agreement at the National Dialogue for Peace. Nobody knows whether peace or war will reign after that.

 

 

 

 

 

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