After the tsunami

[ By Franz-B. Marré ]

Never before did a natural disaster trigger such global consternation – nor mobilise solidarity to the same extent – as did the tsunami in the Indian Ocean on Boxing Day 2004. Its cause was a seaquake near the northern tip of Sumatra. The greatest number of casualties and the most severe damage were recorded near by, in the Indonesian province of Aceh and on the island of Nias. More than 160,000 people lost their lives in this region, and half a million became homeless. According to World Bank estimates, economic costs in the region amount to $5 billion. However, death and destruction were also mourned elsewhere – as far away as the Horn of Africa.

Today, the situation in the affected countries varies greatly. Thailand and India have essentially finished reconstruction. Both countries decided to cope without international aid. Only relatively small areas of their territory were affected. By contrast, in Indonesia and Sri Lanka, the path to normality is still a long way off. Their economic performance is less impressing, and they face much more daunting challenges.

In both cases, moreover, domestic politics had been violence-ridden for decades. Certainly, reconstruction efforts cannot succeed without peace for obvious reasons. The shock after the unimaginable catastrophe brought about a ceasefire in Aceh. Mediated by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, the conflict parties met at the negotiating table, and successfully so. In Sri Lanka, on the other hand, earlier peace efforts, which had been mediated by Norway, proved fragile after the natural disaster. Just a few months after the tsunami, new bomb attacks rocked the island once more. Meanwhile, international aid workers have mostly had to be withdrawn from that island’s north.

Necessary compromises

In Aceh, fortunately, former enemies were prepared to compromise. The “Free Aceh Movement” (GAM) dropped its earlier demand of complete independence, whereas Indonesia’s government granted a degree of regional autonomy. On 15 August 2005, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed, which provided for the disarmament of GAM, the large-scale withdrawal of Indonesian security forces from the province, the rehabilitation of political prisoners and free elections for the provincial governor and district heads (Bupatis). In another concession, the central government agreed to the appointment of an “Aceh Monitoring Mission”, which was run jointly by the EU and ASEAN in order to check compliance with the agreement.

Ever since, things have gone surprisingly well in Aceh. Even though the elections were postponed several times, they finally did take place on 11 December last year. International observers rated them as free, fair and legitimate. The winner was Irwandi Yussuf, who had been detained due to his GAM involvement. He survived the tsunami as if by miracle.

Before 2005, Aceh was practically inaccessible to foreigners. As a result, there was no bilateral development cooperation in the province. However, Germany’s Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) quickly established a temporary Aceh/North Sumatra focus, thus extending the ongoing cooperation programme in Indonesia. The foundation for that engagement, which will expire in 2009, was laid by President Yudhoyono’s national reconstruction plan of April 2005. Among other things, that plan established the reconstruction agency BRR (Badan Rehabilitasi dan Rekonstruksi). Civil-society agencies became active too, and their presence is widely felt today.

Germany is the largest bilateral donor involved in tsunami-reconstruction in Indonesia. So far, the German government has committed more than €186 million for reconstruction, of which around half was already disbursed for specific measures by the end of last year. As desired by the Indonesian authorities, German reconstruction contributions focus on the sectors of health care (€54 million), education (€40 million), housing (€36 million), administration/good governance (€22 million) and private-sector development (€11 million).

Regarding health, Germany – in cooperation with Australia and a number of NGOs – first made the Zainoel Abidin Hospital in Banda Aceh operational again, in cooperation with Australia. Next, construction of a new facility began at a flood-safe location. On top of that, health-care services on the east coast and in the former inland rebel regions were re-established and enhanced. In terms of vocational training, German involvement extends to the entire province of Aceh and to the island of Nias. The goal is to improve local work skills as fast as possible. So far, school facilities (including equipment) have been provided to more than 12,000 students.

By the end of last year, some 3100 homes were ready for occupancy, and a further 2400 will be added in 2007. German agencies helped residents and local authorities to plan new settlements and to set up the infrastructure in an environmentally friendly, disaster-safe way. German aid is also strengthening regional authorities and enabling civil-society organisations to make their voices heard, which will also serve to make towns and villages less susceptible to natural disasters. In areas with particularly high numbers of refugees, German development cooperation contributed to boosting the capacities of local registration offices, in order to keep track of births, deaths and marriages. Funds from Germany’s Foreign Office, moreover, helped to set voter registers right throughout the province. That measure made proper elections possible.

On top of Germany’s bilateral support, the BMZ has contributed €11 million to a multi-donor fund, which is administered by the World Bank. Other German Ministries have also funded relevant services in Indonesia. Germany’s armed forces took part in emergency aid, and, on behalf of the Ministry of Education and Research, Germany’s Potsdam-based National Research Centre for Geosciences is working on a tsunami-early-warning system.

Non-governmental organisations from Germany are mostly funding their own activities, but some are also supported by the BMZ, because their engagement is considered very important and additional funding is required. So far, the Federal Government has provided funds of around € 28 million to German charities, churches and party-political foundations active in the crisis region. At the local level, some 70 projects are under way. They came into being thanks to the Partnership Initiative started by Gerhard Schröder, who was German Chancellor when the tsunami struck.

Two years on

Shortly before the second anniversary of the catastrophe, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, Germany’s development minister, visited Banda Aceh to see what progress has been made. Her assessment is as follows:
– Reconstruction in Aceh is progressing very well, but a lot still remains to be done. The achievements are especially impressive when compared with the situation in Sri Lanka.
– Women’s engagement deserves special mention. They suffered especially severely from the tsunami, and they are now a driving force in reconstruction.
– The peace process should now be irreversible; the democratic election of a provincial governor was a milestone.

According to President Yudhoyono, the objective is to “rebuild Aceh better”, and that is indeed possible, in which case reconstruction would also become a developmental success. However, caution and patience are still called for, especially since several important issues have yet to be addressed, including compensation for land holdings that were literally washed away as well as the fate of the many, predominantly very poor people, who used to live in rented accommodations. So far, reconstruction programmes have been promisingly free of corruption, and that must remain the case in future.

In assessing the results to date, it is impossible to avoid comparison with Sri Lanka. Of course, stagnation in Sri Lanka cannot be explained by one single cause. Nonetheless, the relevance of a concerned government’s leadership and orientation is obvious. No measures, not matter how well intended or participatively designed, can succeed in the long run, unless underlying political and social conditions are adequate.

Today, Aceh proves that fast reconstruction is possible. Future success will depend on the new governor rising to the responsibilities that voters have entrusted him with according to the provisions of the peace agreement. He and his team will require the loyal support of the civil service as well as the national government’s continuing preparedness to compromise. While international attention cannot guarantee this will happen, it will certainly make a positive difference. Two years after the disaster, German interest and involvement remain relevant.