Civil war

Fighting escalates in Congo’s Kivu Provinces

With the humanitarian crisis worsening, the international community was holding summits in late November. Rebel groups, militias and government troops alike are reported to be killing civilians randomly, or because they suspect them of sympathising with enemies.


[ Sella Oneko ]

All parties involved in the fighting claim to be protecting the people, but many villages witness consecutive invasions – first by one group and then the other. Alan Doss, a UN representative, condemned three groups for committing “serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law”. The UN also warned of the outbreak of yet another genocide in the region – the Rwandan genocide being all too present in the minds of the population.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has some of the highest rates of sexual violence. Jason Stearns from the International Crisis Group says: “Rape has become part of a culture of violence. The traditional moral structure of society is falling apart.”

The current crisis is closely related to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, after which members of Hutu militias fled across the border and settled in eastern Congo. Deals to disarm these irregular troops did not work out, and violence occasionally re-erupted between government- backed militias (known as Pareco) and Laurent Nkunda’s Tutsi rebels of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP). In late summer, Nkunda started a major offensive, triggering the current turmoil.

Economic interests also play a role. Congo is a resource-rich country, and harbours important copper and cobalt mines. African, Chinese, American, European and Australian companies have profited from the Congo’s riches. Uganda and Rwanda are said to be profiting from the illegal extraction of raw materials. Due to political instability and the global financial crisis, investments in mining are becoming less attractive, however. People in other countries of Africa’s Great Lakes region are afraid of being drawn into the conflict (note comment by Grace Matsiko, p. 482).

Reactions of the international community have been hesitant so far. It is widely known that the government and the UN’s largest peace-keeping force (MONUC) of 17,000 troops have been unable to stabilise the region. The UN is currently discussing whether it should stock up its troops by 3000. However, MONUC lacks credibility among the people due to cases of sexual abuse, illegal arms deals and its support for a government widely believed to be corrupt.

In mid-November, a summit was held in Nairobi. It was attended by Joseph Kabila, leaders from Africa’s Great Lakes Region, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and others. The summit discussed the option of sending in peace-keepers if a ceasefire was not achieved within one month’s time. They also agreed that serious negotiations would have to involve Nkunda.

It was hoped that talks might be brokered between Kabila and Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Both heads of state are said to lack the will to find a peaceful solution. The Congolese government accuses Rwanda of backing Nkunda and harbouring interests in Kivu’s raw materials. The UN special envoy, Nigeria’s former President Olusegun Obasanjo met all three parties and Nkunda has agreed to participate in peace talks and pull the CNDP out of certain areas in order to attain a cease-fire.

Meanwhile Angola officially announced it would deploy troops to the Congo. At a summit of the Southern African Development Community that included President Kabila, in Johannesburg, member countries decided on immediate military assessment of the region, emphasising the importance of stabilising Kivu through the implementation of existing agreements. The UN was urged to strengthen peace-keeping efforts, and the need for humanitarian aid was stressed.

As D+C went to press, the EU’s stand was not yet clear. The foreign ministers of France and Britain had visited North Kivu and were considering humanitarian aid to the region.

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